There are a couple of interesting Japan-related articles that I've been meaning to post. The first is an article from Metropolis about a new English language book that looks at the influence of high school girls (kogals) on Japanese culture:
Wielding an influence on everything from street slang to fine art, videogames to fashion, Japanese schoolgirls have, in the subtitle of Brian Ashcraft’s new book, “made a nation cool.” Japanese Schoolgirl Confidential puts these financial powerhouses and cultural arbiters under the microscope, offering foreign readers insight into topics both arcane (the history of sailor uniforms) and edgy (school-themed dating sims). In this exclusive excerpt, the author details the rise of ’90s kogal culture—and finds that it was nothing less than a loose-socked revolution.
The second article is from Kate Elwood's Cultural Conundrum's column in the The Daily Yomiuri about superstitions and luck among the Japanese:
Omamori are amulets provided by shrines and temples to help with the needs of people in everyday life. Common types are those for traffic safety, passing examinations, business success, finding a mate and having a healthy pregnancy and easy delivery, as well as more general concerns of avoidance of evil and good fortune. In a research article published in the 1980s, religion scholar Eugene Swanger notes that Sensoji temple in Asakusa, Tokyo, provides 15 kinds of omamori for six needs, while at Kompira Shrine in Shikoku there are 77 selections covering 45 needs, including success in an election, protecting a ship's engine and preventing water pollution. Swanger further observes that Aso Shrine in Kyushu conducts an annual survey to assess the sorts of needs for which people in the area might wish to have an omamori.
Of course, good luck charms are prevalent in many cultures. Social psychologists Rees Lewis and Helga Dittmar administered a questionnaire about personal amulets and planned purchases to 117 British students, 124 Canadian students and 121 Japanese students. Almost all respondents were able to give an example of a personal amulet in their possession. Ninety-eight percent of the Japanese students, 93 percent of the British students and 82 percent of the Canadians named an amulet they owned. The researchers classified the types of amulets, finding that for all nationalities, items of jewelry, including fobs like key chains and omamori, were most common, representing 64 percent of the British amulets, 79 percent of the Canadian ones and 73 percent of those belonging to the Japanese students.
Other categories named by 5 percent-15 percent of the national groups were objects of utility, like a lucky pen or watch, or objects of art and culture. Within the jewelry classification, 65 percent of the amulets named by the Japanese respondents were omamori. Rings and necklaces were most common for the British and Canadian students, amounting to about 40 percent of the jewelry designations for each of these groups.
Lewis and Dittmar further asked the respondents the personal significance of the amulets and here, too, found some cultural differences. The researchers examined both the degree of attachment to an amulet and the type of attachment. They found the Japanese respondents were most likely to explain the significance of an amulet in terms of a "magico-religious" function or a "cognitive-affective" function (which referred to the object's role in invoking memories or mediating emotion) than their Western counterparts. The Canadian and British respondents, on the other hand, more often mentioned their "shared history" with the object and "relatedness" in the way they felt a sense of connection with another person through the object.
Interestingly, the Japanese respondents overall felt less attachment to their amulets; they would be significantly less upset to lose the object. At the same time, the amulets that they felt a higher attachment to were more likely to be linked to "relatedness," while they felt less attachment to amulets with a "magico-religious" function.
While there is obviously a range of ways of regarding omamori, for many Japanese, these amulets have an easy come, easy go quality. Some years ago, religion researcher Richard Anderson lived and worked at a large Buddhist temple in Tokyo and was assigned to work at the omamori counter over the New Year's holiday. He notes that a large number of people chose amulets based on color, style and price, more often describing the motive for their purchase as shukan (custom) rather than shukyo (religion) or shinko (belief).
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