Tautologies such as "steak is steak" are present in many cultures and, because they assume the speaker and the listener share a common understanding of the integral nature of what is being referred to, they do not always work in cross-cultural situations. Of course, contextual clues often provide more information, as with Jessica's follow-up comment about authority and the general conversation topic, as it developed, of the difficulty of creating dazzling, knock-your-socks-off vegetarian feasts. Even without these tip-offs, in the United States, certainly it is still possible to access the notion that steak is something that many people recognize as an expensive food item and hence impressive, but different cultures have their own "steaks." In Japan, the food for celebratory occasions is sea bream, or tai. A proverb, kusatte mo tai, ("even if it's spoiled it's sea bream") corresponds well to Jessica's steak observation because the Japanese saying means that sea bream is sea bream, always special.
To make tautological matters even more complicated, the "A is A" formation is often used to mean that each thing in a certain category is the same as the others in the same category. So "steak is steak" could also be used by someone trying to persuade another to buy steak at a discount butcher rather than a gourmet food shop, implying that no matter where you buy it it's essentially the same. This second use of tautologies to emphasize fundamental sameness is easier, in a way, for those out of the cultural loop since all that the listener really needs to grasp is that one type is no better than another type. For example, I can get a handle on the meaning of "motor oil is motor oil," the title of a paper on English tautologies by applied linguist Bruce Fraser, even though I know very little about cars. But I was nonetheless at a loss several years ago when a Japanese acquaintance said, rakkyo wa rakkyo. Pickled shallots are pickled shallots? And by this I am supposed to infer...what exactly? I felt a distinct lack of cultural knowledge regarding the precise "rakkyo-osity" of rakkyo.
Anna Wierzbicka, another applied linguist, has created a taxonomy of English tautologies, noting types related to: 1. realism in human affairs (for example, "war is war"), 2. tolerance for human nature (ex. "Boys are boys"), 3. tolerance at special times (ex. "A holiday is a holiday"), 4. limits of tolerance (ex. "Enough is enough"), 5. seeing through superficial differences (ex. "A man is a man"), 6. recognizing an irreducible difference (ex. "East is East and West is West"), 7. tautologies of value (ex. "A party is a party"), and 8. tautologies of obligation (ex. "A promise is a promise"). With all of these varying functions, the task of assigning meaning can be tricky without a firm grasp of other contextual clues.
Clearly, tautologies of value are likely to prove problematic cross-culturally, but other types may also pose difficulty. Wierzbicka notes that "boys are boys" or the more common "boys will be boys" is not understandable in French, German or Russian. I gave it a try with some Japanese acquaintances in both English and in various Japanese versions and they similarly did not twig the meaning that boys are naturally unruly and therefore we must be tolerant of their rowdy disruption. Interestingly, every Japanese person I asked guessed that the tautology implied that boys should strive to be manly. Apparently the pretty tight English associative connection between boys and boisterousness is more culture-bound than one might expect.
Wierzbicka further notes a few kinds of Japanese tautologies that don't really exist in English, including tautologies that show that what seems to be impossible is really possible and tautologies of a matter of course. A common example of the first type is the often stated Okoru toki wa okoru. ("When he/she etc. gets angry he/she gets angry.") Wierzbicka observes that most English speakers imagine this to mean that when the person in question gets angry they really fly into a rage. Yet in Japanese it simply means that even if a person seems to be the type to never get angry, when anger is warranted it is duly--but not unduly--displayed.
Tautologies of matter of course are followed by da kara ("so...") and use "ga" rather than "wa." This type of tautology is very prevalent in Japanese and generally implies that something is undesirable, adverse, or challenging without coming right out and saying it. The applied linguist Shigeko Okamoto observes, for example, that Otenki ga otenki da kara (The weather is the weather, so...) is only used to when the weather is bad. In the same way, Oya ga oya da kara ("The parent is the parent, so...) is said when a child misbehaves to insinuate something along the lines of "With a parent like that, what do you expect?" and never to suggest that a child has excelled in some way, for example by winning a piano competition, and that their triumph might be due to their parents (who might also be talented musically or whatever). On the other hand, according to Okamoto, if someone says Oya wa oya da kara, using wa rather than ga, the meaning changes completely, signifying that the parent (good or bad) is the parent and not the child and should therefore be considered separately.
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