Behind The Screen is the Daily Yomiuri's new occasional column by Sawa Kurotani, who replaces Kimiko Manes, is an American trained cultural anthropologist and director of Asian Studeis at University of Redlands in California. No offense to Ms. Manes, but Kurotani seems more up to the job of bi-cultural analysis. Manes, more often than not, seemed to working from preceived notions more than well-researched opinions based on observed fact. In this inaugural column Kurotani looks at the culture of shame, which I briefly addressed in an earlier post on hazukashii:
Commonly used idioms reflect how important it is for Japanese to be mindful of the evaluating eyes of the others and avoid shame or haji. There is nothing worse than to haji o sarasu (expose one's shame in public); one is forced in desperation to haji o shinobu (to endure shame); and a haji shirazu (a person who doesn't know shame) is the lowest of lowlifes. Shame has a cumulative effect as well: haji no uwanuri (a coat of shame over another) implies that, if not careful, one can end up covered in layers of shame.
Haji is a central theme in the Japanese socialization process, and children are encouraged to worry about what others think about them from early on. If you were able to catch what the parents were saying to their "screeching children," more than likely, you would have found them telling their children that "other people" (i.e., you) are laughing or upset at him or her, or perhaps, that parents were feeling ashamed because of their children's poor behavior.
Either way, children are being taught to mind, first and foremost, the fact that other people thought poorly of this behavior. I certainly felt the weight of my "shame culture" while I was growing. It was hazukashii (shameful, disgraceful) not to make a good grade, but it was also hazukashii to ask a question in the classroom (as students seldom asked questions in those days). It is hazukashii to go to a funeral wearing anything but black (panty hose included). It is hazukashii to greet a neighbor in too loud a voice, but it is even more hazukashii to fail to greet her. It seemed as though, no matter what I did or how hard I tried, I always ended up feeling hazukashii.
I find Kurotani's discussion of the limits of shame particularly interesting and illuminating in regards to Japanese culture:
Both guilt and shame have their own limits in defining and regulating appropriate social behavior, but for different reasons. Guilt falters when a person fails to internalize the set of shared values as the absolute standard of conduct; and when this happens, there is no other mechanism to keep people's behavior in check. The situational nature of shame does not make it the sole responsibility of an individual to behave appropriately, but rather makes it a communal responsibility.
The limitation of shame, then, has to do with the perception of the "community" or the group of "others" whose opinion matters to the self. "Inconsiderate behavior" in the situation of anonymity demonstrates how shame does not extend beyond this perceived "community." Traveling is another situation in which the disconnection from the community allows Japanese individuals to behave poorly. As the old saying goes, tabi no haji wa kakisute, or "the shame incurred while traveling can be easily discarded and forgotten."
Lack of haji may also be the product of a deeply felt sense of marginalization within contemporary Japanese society. Street youth, whom I described earlier, can act the way they do without feeling hazukashii, because they feel little connection to the rest of society, and therefore, from their perspective, it was as though there was no one else around.
Similarly, ever-present chikan, or "perverts" on the trains, demonstrate that otherwise inconceivably lewd conduct becomes perfectly conceivable in this vacuum of social relations where people tightly wrap themselves with an impenetrable barrier of indifference in this transitory space between home and work.
Kurotani goes onto to contradict the findings of Benedict:
"Shame" in Benedict's rendition carries a heavy moral significance, which leads Japanese individuals to do anything possible to avoid it or to conceal it from others' knowledge. Contrary to her argument, Japanese love to talk about their experiences of haji, and even loudly exclaim "Hazukashii!" not only when they are "ashamed" and "disgraced," but also when they feel "embarrassed," "bashful," "awkward," and perhaps, "socially inept."
Hazukashii, in other words, encompasses all kinds of occasions in which the presentation of one's social self has been breached. This breach of self-presentation may range from grave to trivial, but it happens to just about everyone on a daily basis in a society where the rules of appropriate conduct are rather narrowly defined. It is curious, however, that instead of trying to conceal such experiences they are publicly announced and actively shared.
"Shame culture" tolerates human faults as only "situational," and does not condemn the entire person when his or her conduct is less than perfect. Thus, by exclaiming "hazukashii" and making their shame, embarrassment or social blooper shared knowledge, Japanese can, in fact, strengthen their connections with others and lessen the burden on their souls.
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